Monday, June 30, 2014



Article: Climate Change
Source: The Guardian

http://www.theguardian.com/business/grogonomics/2014/jun/30/-sp-climate-change-australia-and-us-are-moving-in-opposite-directions

Climate change: Australia and US are moving in opposite directions

While the Liberals move to dismantle the carbon price, a new report in the US highlights the huge risks involved
Farming field
The Risky Business report asserts that rising temperatures mean that some US states face up to a 73% average crop yield loss by the end of the century. Photograph: Graham Turner for the Guardian
The difference between the position of the Australian and the United States governments on climate change looks stark. Last week members of the Australian government celebrated the passing of a bill dismantling the carbon price, while last Wednesday US president Barack Obama delivered a speech arguing strongly for the need to act on climate change.
Obama’s speech came off the back of the announcement earlier in the month that the US Environmental Protection Authority was proposing new rules to force the power sector to cut carbon dioxide emissions by 30% on 2005 levels by 2030.
Last week as well, a new report on the economic impacts of climate change was issued by a bipartisan organisation headed by the “Risky Business project”, which is co-chaired by former republican mayor of New York city Michael R. Bloomberg; Henry Paulson, the former CEO of Goldman Sachs and the secretary of the treasury under George W Bush; and Tom Steyer, a billionaire hedge-fund manager with a long history of environmental philanthropy.
The Risky Business project seeks to look at the impact of climate change on the US from an economic perspective.
It is not the first climate change report to take this approach. The Stern Review issued in 2006 examined the impact of climate change on the world economy. The Risky Business report, however, looks purely at the US and argues that the response to climate change is essentially about mitigating risk. 
Again this approach is not new. Even Rupert Murdoch’s essentially fatuous remark that “we should give the planet the benefit of the doubt” was based on risk management. In 1990 Margaret Thatcher was arguing much the same.
But the Risky Business report takes this approach a step further than other such reports by using econometric and climate change modelling to forecast the impact of climate change at a regional level of detail. And rather than talk just about increasing in temperatures in these regions, it talks about the impact of those temperatures on people’s livelihoods.
While the sole focus on the US and its specific regions may seem like typical American insularity, it is more about acknowledging that all politics is local.
As Upton Sinclair noted, “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends upon his not understanding it.”
And if that person is a corn farmer in Iowa, telling him about the impact of climate change on the Pacific Islands is unlikely to do the trick (important though it is).
President Obama noted the need to address this aspect in his speech, saying, “People don’t like gas prices going up. They don’t like electricity prices going up. And we ignore those very real and legitimate concerns at our peril, so if we’re blithe about saying this is the defining issue of our time but we don’t address people’s legitimate economic concerns, then even if they are concerned about climate change they may not support efforts to do something about it.”
The Risky Business report addresses these impact by noting the increase in temperatures across the continental US under various scenarios:
Days over 35 degrees US
 Projected and historical days over 37 degrees US. Photograph: Risky Business report/Rhodium
But it notes that these increased temperatures will drive an increase in electricity consumption owing to more people using air conditioners more often. The report argues that higher peak demand for electricity “will likely require the construction of up to 95 GW of additional power generation capacity over the next five to 25 years, the rough equivalent of 200 average-size coal or natural gas power plants”.
It argues “constructing these new power-generation facilities will, in turn, raise residential and commercial energy prices”. Thus, “climate-driven changes in heating and cooling will likely increase annual residential and commercial energy costs nationally by $474m to $12bn over the next five to 25 years and $8.5bn to $30bn by the middle of the century.”
The report also notes the impact of the increased temperatures on industry – with an especially harsh impact on crop yields. It asserts that some states “like Missouri and Illinois, face up to a 15% likely average yield loss in the next five to 25 years, and up to a 73% likely average yield loss by the end of the century”.
It also forecasts the humid heat stroke index (HHSI) in each region. The index measures the point at which people who work outdoors would be unable to do so without significant risk to health and potential death.
The report notes that “the only place in the world that has ever reached the unbearable HHSI of 95°F (37C) was Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, in 2003. At the time, the outside temperature was 101°F (38.5C) and the dew point was 90°F (32C)”.
But such temperatures are headed to the US midwest. It forecasts that on the current path of temperature rises “the average midwesterner could see an HHSI at the dangerous level of 95°F two days every year by late century, and that by the middle of the next century she or he can expect to experience 20 full days in a typical year of HHSI over 95°F”.
Humid heatstroke index
 Humid heatstroke index for the US. Photograph: Risky Business report/Rhodium Group

But American climate change politics does have one similarity with Australia – the opposition to it. Republicans in congress reacted to the EPA’s new rules by suggesting the Obama administration was waging a “war on coal” and they were likely to try and block the new rules.
Economist Paul Krugman responded to Henry Paulson’s op-ed in the New York Times launching the Risky Business report by noting that the Republican party which “respects science and is willing to consider even market-friendly government interventions like carbon taxes, no longer exists”.
Given our government has dismantled a carbon tax, during which time Australia’s economy grew among the fastest of all OECD nations, Krugman’s comment might just as well be targeted at the Liberal party:
At least with reports like Risky Business politicians the world over have pretty much run out of the excuse of saying they weren’t aware of the risks.


Article: Political Donations
Source: NYT

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/03/us/politics/supreme-court-ruling-on-campaign-contributions.html?_r=0


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Protesters at the Supreme Court, which has been hostile recently to campaign finance limits.CreditImage by Doug Mills/The New York Times
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WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court on Wednesday continued its abolition of limits on election spending, striking down a decades-old cap on the total amount any individual can contribute to federal candidates in a two-year election cycle.
The ruling, issued near the start of a campaign season, will very likely increase the role money plays in American politics.
The 5-to-4 decision, with the court’s more conservative members in the majority, echoed Citizens United, the 2010 decision that struck down limits on independent campaign spending by corporations and unions.
Wednesday’s decision seemed to alter campaign finance law in subtle but important ways, notably by limiting how the government can justify laws said to restrict the exercise of First Amendment rights in the form of campaign contributions.
The court’s 88-page decision reflected sharply different visions of the meaning of the First Amendment and the role of government in regulating elections, with the majority deeply skeptical of government efforts to control participation in politics, and the minority saying that such oversight was needed to ensure a functioning democracy.
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Shaun McCutcheon, who brought the case with the Republican National Committee.CreditImage by Drew Angerer/Getty Images
Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., writing for four justices in the controlling opinion, said the overall limits could not survive First Amendment scrutiny. “There is no right in our democracy more basic,” he wrote, “than the right to participate in electing our political leaders.”
In a dissent from the bench, Justice Stephen G. Breyer called the majority opinion a disturbing development that raised the overall contribution ceiling to “the number infinity.”
“If the court in Citizens United opened a door,” he said, “today’s decision may well open a floodgate.”
Such oral dissents are rare, and they signal deep disagreements. But Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Breyer noted from the bench that the other side’s arguments were well presented.
Wednesday’s decision did not affect familiar base limits on contributions from individuals to candidates, currently $2,600 per candidate in primary and general elections. But it said that overall limits of $48,600 by individuals every two years for contributions to all federal candidates violated the First Amendment, as did separate aggregate limits on contributions to political party committees, currently $74,600.
In his written opinion, Justice Breyer said Wednesday’s decision would allow “a single individual to contribute millions of dollars to a political party or to a candidate’s campaign.” He was joined by Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan.
The ruling, which goes in effect in a matter of weeks, concerned only contributions from individuals. Federal law continues to ban direct contributions by corporations and unions, though they remain free to spend unlimited sums through “super PACs” and similar vehicles.
The case, McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, No. 12-536, was brought by Shaun McCutcheon, an Alabama businessman, and the Republican National Committee. Mr. McCutcheon, who had contributed a total of about $33,000 to 16 candidates for federal office in the 2012 election cycle, said he had wanted to give $1,776 each to 12 more but was stopped by the overall cap for individuals. The party committee said it wanted to receive contributions above the legal limit for political committees.
In an interview last fall, Mr. McCutcheon said his goal was to encourage the adoption of conservative principles. “To me,” he said, “being a conservative means smaller government and more freedom.”
Chief Justice Roberts said the core purpose of the First Amendment was to protect political speech from government interference, even if many people might welcome it.
“They would be delighted to see fewer television commercials touting a candidate’s accomplishments or disparaging an opponent’s character,” he wrote. “Money in politics may at times seem repugnant to some, but so, too, does much of what the First Amendment vigorously protects. If the First Amendment protects flag burning, funeral protests and Nazi parades — despite the profound offense such spectacles cause — it surely protects political campaign speech despite popular opposition.”
The decision chipped away at the central distinction drawn in Buckley v. Valeo, the court’s seminal 1976 campaign finance decision. Independent spending, the court said in Buckley, is political speech protected by the First Amendment. But contributions may be capped, the court said then, in the name of preventing corruption. The court added in passing that aggregate contribution limits were a “quite modest restraint upon protected political activity” that “serves to prevent evasion” of the base limits.
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Graphic: Before and After the Supreme Court’s Ruling

Chief Justice Roberts said that brief passage on overall limits had to be reconsidered in light of regulatory developments and other factors. But he added that the Buckley decision’s general structure remained intact. “We see no need,” he said, “to revisit Buckley’s distinction between contributions and expenditures.”
The chief justice said that while the $2,600 base limits were also intact, the overall caps placed an unacceptable burden on “an individual’s right to participate in the public debate through political expression and political association.”
“The government may no more restrict how many candidates or causes a donor may support than it may tell a newspaper how many candidates it may endorse,” he wrote.
Leveling the playing field is not an acceptable interest for the government, Chief Justice Roberts said. Nor is “the possibility that an individual who spends large sums may garner ‘influence over or access to’ elected officials or political parties,” he added, quoting Citizens United.
The only acceptable justification, he said, was rooting out “quid pro quo corruption” or the appearance of it.
Justice Breyer said that analysis was too narrow. “The anticorruption interest that drives Congress to regulate campaign contributions is a far broader, more important interest than the plurality acknowledges,” he wrote. “It is an interest in maintaining the integrity of our public governmental institutions.”
“Where enough money calls the tune,” he wrote, “the general public will not be heard.”
The Roberts court has been consistently hostile to campaign finance limits. In a half-dozen earlier cases, the five more conservative justices have voted together, though Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. have sometimes taken a more incremental approach than the bolder one called for by Justices Anthony M. Kennedy, Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas.
Wednesday’s decision is likely to increase overall campaign spending, but it may also rechannel some of it away from super PACs and toward candidates and parties.
“The existing aggregate limits may in fact encourage the movement of money away from entities subject to disclosure,” Chief Justice Roberts wrote. “Because individuals’ direct contributions are limited, would-be donors may turn to other avenues for political speech.” He was joined by Justices Alito, Kennedy and Scalia. Justice Thomas wrote a concurring opinion.
The main opinions spent many pages arguing over the possibility that the basic limits could be circumvented without the overall caps. Justice Breyer gave detailed examples, which Chief Justice Roberts dismissed as speculative and highly implausible. The chief justice added that Congress could address some perceived loopholes through earmark requirements, transfer restrictions, segregated accounts and mandated disclosure, though he did not say that those efforts would pass constitutional muster.
Justice Breyer said there was little hope that regulators would vigorously enforce even the existing limits.
More broadly, he said the decision was one “that substitutes judges’ understandings of how the political process works for the understanding of Congress; that fails to recognize the difference between influence resting upon public opinion and influence bought by money alone; that overturns key precedent; that creates huge loopholes in the law; and that undermines, perhaps devastates, what remains of campaign finance reform.”




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Source: Center for Responsive Politics, 2012 Lobbying & Contribution Da